The end of a reign
At the beginning of 1066, Edward the Confessor, King of England since 1042, was dying.
Gathered around him at his palace in Westminster were England’s leading nobles and churchmen. They had come to court at Christmas to witness the consecration of Edward’s newly built Westminster Abbey, an event which the king was too unwell to attend. With the life of the childless king drawing to its end, those close to him planned for the future. Chief among these was Harold, Earl of Wessex, the most powerful man in England.
According to the Vita Ædwardi Regis, a life of Edward written shortly after his death, Harold was present at the king’s death on 5 January 1066. Stigand, Archbishop of Canterbury, and Robert Fitz Wimarc, steward of the royal palace, were also in attendance, as was Edith, who was Edward’s queen and Harold’s sister. She sat on the floor warming the ailing king’s feet in her lap.
The Vita tells us that Edward turned to Harold with almost his last breath, saying, ‘I commend this woman and all the kingdom to your protection.’ With these words, Harold and his supporters would claim, Edward had nominated him as his heir.
Chosen successor or palace coup?
Harold acted astonishingly swiftly to secure his position. Edward was buried in Westminster Abbey on 6 January, and Harold was crowned there the same day. According to one version of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle – a collection of contemporary annals which form the main English sources for this period – Edward had ‘granted’ Harold the kingdom. Other versions of the Chronicle, however, said that he had been ‘entrusted’ with it, hinting at a less than clear-cut succession.
Sources that favour Harold – including some versions of the Chronicle and later accounts based on them – tell us that he was crowned with the approval of the leading magnates of the realm. But the unusual haste of his coronation, and the ambiguity present in reports of Edward’s supposed deathbed nomination, suggest Harold needed to move quickly to consolidate his power-grab. One chronicler would later write that Harold had ‘seized the kingdom in a cunning way’.
In doing so, Harold ignored the interests of a more likely claimant to the throne – someone who tends to be overlooked in the story of 1066.
Edward the Confessor’s closest blood relative was his great-nephew, Edgar, the grandson of his half-brother Edmund Ironside. Edgar was probably around 14 years old in 1066, and in the last years of his reign Edward seems to have promoted him as a potential candidate for the throne. He was referred to as ‘ætheling’, a title meaning throneworthy and used for the sons of kings.
In terms of his descent, Edgar Ætheling had the strongest claim to the English crown in 1066. A continental chronicler, writing in the 1080s, said that in seizing the throne Harold had disregarded an oath he had sworn to Edward that he would yield the throne to Edgar.
Taking the throne at this period depended not just on kinship, however, but on the approval of the leading nobles. Edgar’s youth and relative inexperience would have counted against him in their deliberations.
Harold, by contrast, was around 40 years old, had extensive military experience, and was the second wealthiest person in England after the king. He was also politically adept, and by 1066 had forged alliances with the leading figures in the kingdom. In the process he had outmanoeuvred his closest immediate rival, his brother Tostig.
His coronation reflected the reality of his existing political prominence.
Settling the north
We know almost nothing about the first three months of Harold’s reign except that he travelled north and stayed at York. The circumstances of his visit are unclear, but were probably related to an uprising across the northern counties the previous year against the rule of Tostig, his younger brother.
Tostig had been Earl of Northumbria since 1055 and had never been popular with the Northumbrian ruling class, who considered him a harsh and unjust ruler. Harold had negotiated terms with the rebels on behalf of the king, and the resulting peace was founded on the removal and exile of Tostig.
The brothers Eadwine and Morcar, Earls of Mercia and Northumbria respectively, now governed the north. At some point Harold had married their sister, Ealdgyth, reinforcing a political alliance through kinship.
Harold’s visit to York was probably intended to consolidate the peace reached in 1065 and to secure the allegiance of the northern half of his kingdom. He returned to Westminster at Easter, with the north apparently secure. But within a month he received reports that Tostig was raiding the south coast.
Guarding the south coast
Upon his exile in late 1065, Tostig had sailed to Flanders (the northern half of what is now Belgium). In May 1066 he sailed to the Isle of Wight, where he took on provisions, before moving eastwards, raiding the south-east coast of England and arriving at the important port of Sandwich in Kent.
Harold’s response was to raise an army and naval forces immediately to confront his estranged brother. When he learned that Harold was on his way, Tostig sailed northwards, raiding Lincolnshire, before Earls Eadwine and Morcar drove him out. He then took refuge in Scotland over the summer.
By the time Harold arrived at Sandwich, however, he was almost certainly aware of a far more significant threat – that Duke William of Normandy was preparing to invade England.
William was a second cousin of Edward the Confessor and, according to Norman sources, had been promised the throne by Edward back in 1051.
We know that Harold had visited Normandy in either 1064 or 1065 and that while there he had sworn some form of oath to the duke. The Norman sources say that Harold swore to be William’s man, and to support his claim to the English throne.
But contemporary English records before 1066 are silent on this episode, and there is nothing in them to suggest that William might have an interest in England. According to the Normans, however, Harold was a usurper, and William had resolved to fight to win his rightful place as king.
The seriousness of the threat posed by William was reflected by the size of the force Harold assembled in response. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle tells us that this ‘was larger than any king had assembled before in this country’. Harold deployed his army at strategic points along the south coast and himself sailed with his fleet to the Isle of Wight, showing that he considered the Solent – the strait that separates the Isle of Wight from the mainland – a likely place for William to approach.
We are told that Harold’s army and fleet stayed out all summer and into autumn, but that in early September they were stood down, having used up their provisions. Harold returned to London.
The northern invasion
Having spent the summer waiting in the south for an assault that didn’t come, when Harold reached London sometime around 10 September he learned of an invasion at the opposite end of the country.
This time, his brother Tostig had joined the more formidable forces led by the King of Norway, Harald Hardrada. Together they had raided the north-east coast before sailing up the rivers Humber and Ouse and making their way towards York.
Hardrada’s claim to the English throne was based on an alleged agreement made earlier in the 11th century between Harthacnut, King of Denmark and Edward’s predecessor as King of England, and King Magnus I of Norway. Whatever his claim’s merits, Hardrada – noted by contemporaries as a forbidding warrior and ruler – was an opportunist, seeking to take advantage of the recent political instability in the north of England and any lingering opposition to Harold’s rule.
The northern earls, Eadwine and Morcar, raised a force and confronted Hardrada and Tostig but were defeated at the Battle of Fulford, south of York, on 20 September.
By this time King Harold was riding north from London, travelling day and night according to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, and gathering an army as he approached York.
On 25 September King Harold surprised the invaders and won a great victory 5 miles east of York at the Battle of Stamford Bridge, in which Harald Hardrada and Tostig were killed. Decisive and determined, by swiftly moving over 200 miles in the space of a fortnight and stunning his enemy, Harold had destroyed the threat posed by the Norwegian king.
William’s invasion and the journey south
Three days after the Battle of Stamford Bridge, William of Normandy landed on the Sussex coast at Pevensey. Harold was still in the north when he heard this news and prepared to return south to face the long-awaited Norman invasion.
As with his journey northwards, Harold’s return to London was strikingly swift. The soonest Harold could have heard of William’s invasion was around 2 October, and within two weeks he had moved from Yorkshire to fight William at the Battle of Hastings. According to some chroniclers, before marching into Sussex Harold spent time in London – up to six days according to one account – making the achievement of the journey from the north all the more remarkable.
Historians have long accepted that this journey entailed Harold rushing his battle-weary men on a long march south. Even if Harold and the army travelling with him only stayed in London for a couple of days, they would have had to cover the 200 miles from Yorkshire to London in seven days, before continuing a further 50 miles to confront William at Hastings on 14 October. The ‘long march’ – not mentioned in any contemporary sources – has long appeared to be an almost superhuman feat of endurance.
There is another possibility, however. Recently, historian Tom Licence has suggested that Harold used a fleet to transport men from the north. He has noted that one version of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle reports Harold sending naval forces north in his campaign against Hardrada.
If Harold had ships at his disposal after the Battle of Stamford Bridge, then using them to transport some or all of his army, rather than making a hard journey over land, would seem a credible choice. Taking advantage of the coastal currents, the fleet might expect to arrive in London four or five days after embarking.
It is impossible to say with certainty how Harold travelled, as the sources are frustratingly silent as to the routes and methods of transport he took. He had already demonstrated his ability to move at speed across land on his journey north, and we do not know how many people who fought at Stamford Bridge then travelled south with him.
It is entirely possible that only Harold and his household troops, who would have ridden on horses, made the rapid journey to London. The ability of mounted knights to move extremely swiftly is shown by the example 136 years later of King John, who together with a company of knights managed to travel over 80 miles in two days before fighting and winning the Battle of Mirebeau.
But if Harold’s achievement in traversing the country so quickly becomes explicable, it still remains impressive. And if he used his fleet, then his response to William’s invasion was much more sophisticated than has previously been thought.
Onward to Hastings
What we do know is that Harold used his time in London to raise new forces from the southern counties of England. According to 12th-century chroniclers, members of his family attempted to dissuade him from confronting William. But the king angrily rejected entreaties from both his mother, Gytha, and his brother Gyrth.
The English sources say that Harold moved on from London before he’d been able to gather the full strength of his army, with one noting that ‘he did not fear to go to meet his enemies in Sussex with all possible speed’.
The march towards Hastings to confront William would be Harold’s final journey.
By Roy Porter, Senior Curator of Properties, English Heritage
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